By Julie Lindquist
Linguists became more and more drawn to interpreting how classification tradition is socially developed and maintained via spoken language. Julie Lindquist's exam of the linguistic ethnography of a working-class bar in Chicago is a vital and unique contribution to the sphere. She examines how general buyers argue approximately political matters on the way to create a gaggle identification established round political ideology. She additionally exhibits how their political arguments are literally a rhetorical style, one that creates a fragile stability among workforce harmony and person identification, in addition to a tenuous and ambivalent feel of sophistication id.
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Extra resources for A Place to Stand: Politics and Persuasion in a Working-Class Bar (Oxford Studies in Sociolinguistics)
Even the restaurant business has dropped oﬀ now: the storm has kept all but the most determined customers away. The three of us chat and smoke, ﬁnding in each other’s company the special kind of primal intimacy that happens when there is the subtle threat, but not any real promise, 36 A Place to Stand of danger. Every now and then we go outside to look at the sky, for there are no windows in the bar. The tornado never comes, and we are almost disappointed. At about 9:30, the night regulars clamor in, just as I ﬁnally get the order of tomato bread and fries I ordered hours ago.
If the women happened to be regular customers, they would probably order the easier “male” drinks, since women who hang around the bar regularly tend to drink like men. But these are new, and I can see that they don’t look quite at home sitting at a bar without male accompaniment. I ask the women for their orders, and my fears are conﬁrmed. One asks for a Brandy Alexander; the other wants a strawberry daiquiri. I glance down the bar; the phone guys look impatient, but they have heard the women’s drink 32 A Place to Stand order and reassure me to take my time.
22 Further, bars celebrate an image of masculinity that deﬁnes the ethos of working-class culture and is certainly relevant to an understanding of Smokehouse social organization and cultural practice. 23 Ironically, the contradiction inherent in my role as friendly antagonist was, to some extent, mitigated by my gender: were I a man with middle- Rhetorical Practice and the Ethnography of Class Culture 19 class and academic associations, my diﬀerences from and transgressions against Smokehouse conventional wisdom would, I suspect, be less likely to be tolerated—partly because of the tacit rules that dictate that doing is masculine and saying is feminine and partly because, as a woman, I was more likely to be perceived as harmless—that is, I am likely to be seen as lacking the rhetorical authority that would allow me to threaten cultural norms seriously.
A Place to Stand: Politics and Persuasion in a Working-Class Bar (Oxford Studies in Sociolinguistics) by Julie Lindquist